How can Indigenous wisdom foster belonging?

Background

Since time immemorial, human beings have been trying to understand our world and how to live a good life in it (Phillip, 2015). The knowledge and wisdom that has emerged from these efforts continue to have relevance to contemporary conceptualizations of health and wellbeing (Carroll et al., 2022). While much of this wisdom has been lost to history, much of it also survives and continues to be developed within Indigenous communities around the globe (Bruchac, 2014). This Indigenous wisdom has much to teach institutionalized scholars who are concerned with the human need to belong (Harding et al., 2022) – particularly given how this need has been disrupted by imperial-colonial, globalized, neoliberal capitalism – which, through various means and processes, has disrupted the natural forms of social life that human beings grew to need through our and our ancestor’s evolution (Franklin & Tranter, 2021). Indeed, in this context, contemporary Indigenous experiences offer powerful lessons of resilience to the systems and structures that drive loneliness and isolation in contemporary life (Kirmayer et al., 2009, 2011).

Purpose

The purpose of this evidence brief is to explore what Indigenous knowledges, wisdoms, and experiences teach us about the contemporary challenges of loneliness, social isolation, and social disconnection and what we can do to address these challenges. In writing this brief, we acknowledge that Indigenous knowledges, wisdoms, and experiences are incredibly diverse. Indeed, there are Indigenous peoples across the globe and these peoples have varied in the extent to which their connections to one another, their lands, and to their knowledge traditions have been disrupted. Furthermore, we acknowledge that the extent to which these peoples have been represented in written academic research varies – perhaps providing a biased or overly narrow view of Indigenous peoples and worldviews. Finally, we warn that representations of Indigenous peoples in Academic sources have, to varying extents, excluded Indigenous peoples themselves – which may, in numerous ways, undermine what can be learned from review of these sources. Nevertheless, despite these limitations, we believe that this evidence brief provides an important perspective from which considerable wisdom can be gleaned.

Evidence from Existing Studies

Indigenous knowledges highlight the interconnectedness of all things – emphasizing collective interdependence between humans, animals, and their environments (Chua et al., 2019; Salmon et al., 2000; Rountree & Smith, 2016; Fernandez, 2021; Rigby et al., 2011; McGinnis et al., 2019; Muir et al., 2010; Doucet, 2020; Goettke & Reynolds, 2019). For example, Ponnapalli et al. (2023) discuss how Indigenous parents and caregivers recognize that their wellbeing is closely linked to their children’s. Some scholars use the terms “relational well-being” or relationality to describe the constellation of concepts that articulate how health and wellbeing are the result of these relationships and not inherent features of individuals or environments themselves (Mokaraka-Harris et al., 2017; McCubbin et al., 2013; Tynan et al., 2021). These concepts have been integrated into various wholistic frameworks and models (Absolon, 2010), including the Indigenous Connectedness Framework which emphasizes community, family, intergenerational, and environmental connectedness as core components of identity and wellbeing (Ullrich, 2019; Chase & Ulrich, 2022; Ivanich et al., 2023). With this understanding, phenomena, such as loneliness, cannot be interpreted as individualized problems, but must be contextualized as the natural result of our relationships (Ozawa-de Silva, 2020). For example, Lay-Yee et al., (2022) show that attitudes about politics and trust in communities are critical to shaping personal engagements and social connectedness. Recent advancements in the Western social sciences have come to validate this concept and a tremendous number of institutional scholars are engaged in the documentation of the complex inter-relationships that Indigenous knowledge and wisdom have emphasized for generations. Among the various inter-relationships that influence our health and wellbeing is our connection to our culture (Auger, 2016). Such connection supports a sense of collective identity and belonging that may enhance or add to other forms of social connection.

Of course, access to traditional culture has been threatened for centuries by the forced oppression and assimilation of Indigenous peoples, disruption of ancient kinship practices, state abduction of children, and destruction of cultural artefacts (Thira, 2014; Kirmayer et al., 2000; Carlson et al., 2003; Dudgeon & Brya, 2019; Norris, 2014). Through colonization of Indigenous peoples around the globe, cultural loss and social oppression have given rise to considerable health inequities (Government of Canada, 2018; Czyzewski, 2011; Browne, 2017; Goodman et al., 2017; Hudson-Rodd, 1998; Hackett, 2005; Blandford & Chappel, 2010). It is now apparent that a major source of these harms is the oppression and eradication of traditional forms of belonging, inclusion, and connection – which have been replaced in various ways by forms more convenient to the systems and structures that produce them, but less fulfilling to the individuals and communities being produced within these systems (Kirmayer et al., 2000; Cvetkovich, 2022; Klinenberg, 2002). These harms continue today, not only due to past acts of colonization, but also through ongoing economic, social, and political actions (e.g., racism, resource extraction, economic inequalities; Ninomiya et al., 2023; Krieg, 2009). For example, Kasper (2014) reported that attendance at residential schools has lasting health effects for Inuit, Métis, and First Nations people of Canada – even after decades since the closure of these schools. Other researchers have highlighted the distinct and unique experiences of Indigenous people in their social and emotional experiences (Waldegrave et al., 2020; Yadeun-Antunano, 2019) – particular via their disconnection from ancestors and ways of living or connecting that have become less accessible (Moeke-Maxwell, 2023). As well, the systems of oppression that disadvantage Indigenous people not only expose them to external threats, but also degrade the social relationships within Indigenous communities. Such conditions give rise to experiences of lateral violence which reinforce challenges within Indigenous communities (Jaber et al., 2023). As a result of these trends, Indigenous individuals separated from their ancestral lands, cultures, and communities experience increased risk for loneliness and isolation (Gallardo-Peralta, 2023a; 2023b). In these ways and more, separation from culture and community appears to have profound negative consequences for Indigenous peoples.

Conversely, decolonization, fostering cultural practices and celebrating traditional identities is observed to have a healing effect on Indigenous peoples (Bourke et al., 2018; Dudgeon et al., 2020; Monture-Angus, 1999; Lauw et al., 2013; Usher et al., 2021; Smallwood et al., 2023; Decena et al., 2014; Rua et al., 2017) – enabling them to better navigate the mainstream systems in which they are now emmeshed (Dockery, 2010). For example, the 60’s scoop and ongoing family services interventions led by colonial governments continue to lead to the adoption of Indigenous children by non-Indigenous families. Yet, Carriere (2005) shows that connection to birth families, communities, and ancestral knowledge help to rebuff some of the negative effects of these harmful practices.

Indigenous ceremonies across the life course can play an important and meaningful role in constructing one’s sense of self and connection to their communities (Gallardo-Peralta et al., 2023; Yashadhana et al., 2022). For example, ceremonies and traditional practices at both the beginning and the end of life can be important meaning-making and connection-focused events that enhance self-determination and reconciliation (Kornelsen et al., 2010; Adams et al., 2018; Thompson et al., 2019; Hampton et al., 2010). These practices can take many forms: singing, dancing, and drumming (Andrews & Olney, 2007; Sun & Buys, 2016); use of traditional ceremonies and medicines as primary and adjunctive therapy (Nyman 2015; Muscat et al., 2021; Fellner, 2019; Cook, 2005; McCabe, 2007); attendance at sweat lodges, longhouse gatherings, potlatch events, and other gathering places (Schiff & Moore, 2006; Wall, 2016), storytelling (Ullrich et al., 2022; Baker & Garngulkpuy, 2012; Kingsley et al., 2021; Wilner, 2013); participation in yarning or sharing, healing, and talking circles (Begley, 2005; Murrup-Stewart et al., 2021; Mehl-Madrona, 2014; Walker et al., 2012); and even traditional home-making and place-making practices that emphasize sustainable and welcoming environments (Bowra & Mashford-Pringle, 2021).

Just as explicit cultural activities are helpful, adopting and integrating these within existing systems and structures can integrate and center cultural experiences and thereby create deeper, more accessible and more effective forms of community (Brown, 2015; Barnett & Kendall, 2011). For example, centering Indigenous culture in the provision of healthcare has been shown to result in a wide variety of benefits to patient care (Vance et al., 2017). Of course, there are inherent difficulties of doing so, because these knowledge systems can sometimes be treated as contradictory – for example, apparent contradictions between empirical and spiritual forms of knowledge have been observed to create frictions (Writer & Valdez, 2021; Gendron, 2018; Gone, 2011; Campbell, 2014). But even in these cases, it appears that respect for Indigenous knowledges spirituality has been shown to be important for facilitating cultural safety and positive outcomes (McLennan & Khavarpour, 2004; Coates et al., 2006). In short, cultural is a core part of effective treatment (Green, 2010).

There are numerous options and programs available to promote wellbeing of Indigenous peoples; these can be adapted to varied contexts according to the wants and needs of the communities they serve (Day & Francisco, 2013; Philip et al., 2022; Deravin et al., 2023). For example, intergenerational teaching and other mentorship-based culture building activities are also shown to be important ways to building connections and sustaining culture (Cox et al., 2021; Cinelli & Peralta, 2015). These not only provide opportunities for the intergenerational transmission and revival of culture, but also provide generative opportunities for Indigenous seniors – which directly contributes to their wellbeing (Tonkin et al., 2018). For young people, these interactions provide a core sense of connection to their culture and self (Smallwood et al., 2023). Similarly, social enterprises, community trade and exchange, and other market-like cultural transactions also provide important touchpoints for enhancing community while meeting individual needs (Tedmanson & Guerin, 2011). For example, the eating, sharing, preparation, trade, and sale of traditional foods (e.g., fish, big game, berries, roots) is observed to be a critical form of connection – not only between individuals within and across communities, but also between communities and their traditional lands (Doyle et al., 2012; Tsuji et al., 2023). Similarly, within mainstream and institutional settings, cultural humility, shared learning, and interest in mutual respect can reduce the undesirable frictions that often occur in these spaces (Jackson et al., 1999).

In all of these practices above, it is important to honor principles of Indigenous self-determination by empowering Indigenous peoples (not merely consulting them; Fricke, 1998; Singer et al., 2015; Couzos et al., 2005; Adams, 2009; MacKinnon, 2005). Indeed, states and markets are complements not replacements for community (Bowles & Gintis, 2002). Of course, due to colonization and the resulting mass genocide of Indigenous peoples, Indigenous peoples represent a minority population in their own land, which can make it difficult to implement and sustain Indigenous-focused community-led programming (Baeza & Lewis, 2010). As such, there must be adequate coordination, funding, and support for Indigenous networks, organizations, and other governance structures in order to support self-determination in these communities (Hunter et al., 2007; Wearne et al., 2006). For example, there has been great success in pursuing Indigenous controlled art centres to support intergenerational care for elders (Mackell et al., 2023) and other efforts to incorporate and engage elders in cultural programs have been shown to be beneficial (Hadjipavlou et al., 2018; Tonkin et al., 2018).

In summary, promoting community and cultural connections is critical to promoting wellbeing (Lovett & Brinckley, 2021; Jiwa et al., 2008; King, 2019; Fast & Collin-Vezina, 2010; Gall et al., 2021; Ball & Benoit-Jansson, 2023), particularly as a means of offsetting the tremendous harm caused by systems and structures of social oppression that deny fundamental rights of community, connection, and self-determination (Lovett & Brinckley, 2021). Thus, while improving inclusion and cross-cultural understanding in mainstream settings is important (Sylliboy et al., 2021; Matthews et al., 2020; Haynes et al., 2022; Hunter, 2000; Liebenberg et al., 2023; Puszka et al., 2022; Rissel, 2023; Anderson et al., 2022), dedicated investments in building explicitly Indigenous communities and ways of being are also very much needed. Accomplishing this requires investments in promoting social and cultural capital and empowering communities to be self-determining and self-governing agents (Ohta et al., 2022; Vujcich et al., 2018; Ledogar & Fleming, 2008; Biddle, 2012; Davies et al., 2023; Dawson et al., 2021; Culbong et al., 2023). Such an approach is consisted with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights Indigenous Peoples and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada’s Calls for Action (TRC, 2015; UNDRIP, 2008), which unanimously endorse traditional forms of community, connection, and culture as not only beneficial but as fundamental rights of Indigenous peoples.

Analyses By the Canadian Alliance for Social Connection and Health

Using data from the Canadian Social Connection Survey and follow-up interviews with Indigenous participants, we explored Indigenous experiences with loneliness. First, we tested whether identifying as Indigenous was associated with greater levels of emotional and social loneliness. These analyses showed that even when controlling for age, gender, and household income, Indigenous people had higher emotional (β = 0.11, SE = 0.04, p = 0.007) and social loneliness (β = 0.10, SE = 0.05, p = 0.037). In discussions with Indigenous community members (n =6), participants spoke to both structural and individual-level effects of colonization. Structurally, participants spoke about the long term effects of Indigenous peoples resulting from the forced removal of Indigenous peoples from their land, culture, and families. For example, one participant described how their separation from their biological family and placement in a Dutch home led them to feel disconnected from their Indigenous identity. At the individual-level, participants spoke about experiencing racism and discrimination and how these experiences forced them to operate on a survival basis, which led to withdraw. For example, one participant described living in the suburbs as difficult because they would have constant encounters with cops in their neighborhood and that eventually they felt more comfortable staying at home rather than going out in public. In terms of remedies to these challenges, participants spoke to the importance of cultural spaces, sharing food and culture, and other culturally-relevant activities.

Discussion

This evidence presented above underscores the invaluable contributions of Indigenous knowledge in addressing contemporary challenges of loneliness, social isolation, and disconnection. Indigenous wisdom, rooted in the interconnectedness of all things, offers a relational approach to well-being, emphasizing collective interdependence between humans, animals, and the environment. This perspective challenges the individualistic view of loneliness and positions it within the broader context of disrupted social relationships and cultural dislocation caused by colonization and modern societal structures. In doing so, Indigenous knowledge systems provide robust frameworks for enhancing social cohesion and individual well-being. Practices such as traditional ceremonies, storytelling, and intergenerational mentorship not only preserve cultural heritage but also foster a sense of belonging and identity, mitigating the effects of social isolation. These approaches directly meet our human need to belong. Moreover, integrating these cultural practices within mainstream systems, such as healthcare, has been shown to enhance outcomes and promote cultural safety. Of course, the ongoing impacts of colonization, including the forced separation of Indigenous peoples from their lands, cultures, and families, continue to perpetuate social and health inequities. Structural and individual-level racism and discrimination further exacerbate feelings of loneliness and isolation among Indigenous individuals. The brief highlights the critical need for dedicated investments in Indigenous-led community initiatives and cultural revival programs to counter these effects.

Conclusion

Based on the evidence above, we recommend investments in building Indigenous connections to culture, place, and community. Leveraging Indigenous knowledges and practices presents a powerful avenue for combating loneliness and fostering social connection. Such efforts must prioritize the empowerment and self-determination of Indigenous communities, ensuring that their cultural practices and governance structures are supported and respected in accordance with national and international rights-based frameworks.