How do major life events shape social health?

Background

Life is full of change and some of these changes have profound impacts on our wellbeing and connection to others (Haehner et al., 2023). Understanding how life’s events shape social wellbeing is crucial for developing targeted interventions that enhance social support and adaptability (Sheftel et al., 2023). As well, improved social connections can mitigate the negative impacts of these events, fostering resilience and better overall health outcomes (Paykel, 1994). Thus, exploring the relationship between major life events and social health is not only academically relevant but also vital for informing policies and practices that promote social health in times of transition.

Purpose

The purpose of this evidence brief is to review the impact of major life events on social wellbeing. In doing so, we consider major life events to encapsulate diverse types of transitions including health-related incidents, significant career changes, shifts in family dynamics such as marriage or divorce, and relocation. We recognize that each of these events can substantially influence an individual’s social networks, support systems, and overall social integration, impacting their ability to engage effectively within their community. However, we differentiate these from daily stressors, which are also likely important to our social health and experience. As well, while we discuss specific examples from the literature for a wide variety of major life events and transitions, this review does not provide a comprehensive review for every specific type of major life transition and their varied impacts on wellbeing. Where feasible, we provide a characterization of the literature that provides a balanced view of the type of major life events that influence wellbeing and what factors might moderate or mediate the effects of such events.

Evidence from Existing Studies

The existing literature indicates that major life events play an important role in triggering experiences of loneliness – particularly among those with genetic vulnerability, cognitive predisposition, or environmental sensitivity to loneliness. In particular, major family and household changes that lead to significant disruption to social networks and intimate attachments appear to be key factors related to the onset and worsening of loneliness and vulnerability for loneliness in old age (Sheftel et al., 2024; Switsers et al., 2023; Barjakova et al., 2023). These include events across the life course, those that happen directly to participants, as well as significant life events of loved ones (Schaan et al., 2019; Somes, 2021). For example, Tiilikainen et al., (2020) reported that early life childhood bereavement and sexual abuse create profound and lasting vulnerabilities to loneliness and other studies have supported similar findings (Hosozawa et al., 2022; Peng et al., 2022). Even relatively less traumatic events – such as moving to a new place – can have significant impacts on wellbeing (Morris et al., 2017) and some researchers argue that day to day stressors provide a more appropriate way to conceptualize social and emotional vulnerabilities (though this is contested; See Pillow et al., 1996; Wagner et al., 1988; Kanner et al., 1981).Of course, different life events have different effects on feelings of loneliness and these effects apparently vary from person to person (Kettlewell et al., 2019; Luhmann et al., 2011; Lasgaard et al., 2015)—meaning that life events can be hugely influential to shaping our social wellbeing but do not eliminate the possibility of leading a healthy social life.

A wide variety of theories and mechanisms may explain the heterogeneity in observed effects of major life events. Among these, hedonic adaptation and set-point theories suggest that wellbeing fluctuates around stable set-points that vary from person to person, being shaped by early life developments and genetic factors (Kettlewell et al., 2019; Diener et al., 2006). If true, such theories suggest that major life events have relatively little impact on social wellbeing and that instead, it is likely that most of the factors that might contribute to loneliness relate to stable within-person traits and the direct environmental or situation contexts in which individuals reside. However, it has also been observed that some life events – including marriage, childbirth, job loss, and disability – lead to profound, long-lasting changes in wellbeing (Yap et al., 2012; Anusic et al., 2015; Jayawickreme et al., 2021). For example, Buecker et al., (2021) report that the transition to parenthood, marital separation, bereavement, and job loss lead to immediate and long-lasting increases in loneliness while gradual increase in loneliness were associated with marriage, marital separation/breakups, and job loss. Conversely, they reported that transition to paid employment, retirement and cohabitation do not appear to trigger loneliness. Other studies likewise highlight the importance and heterogeneity of these disruptive events (Fardghassemi & Joffe, 2022; Abrams et al., 2022; Morrish & Medina-Lara, 2021, 2022) – congruent with theories about human social adaptation and neuroplasticity which emphasize the dynamic and responsive ways that humans manage changes to their social environments (Been et al., 2022).

In addition to the direct impacts of these events on how individuals view themselves and their environments, these events also contribute to cascading changes that may result from a given life event (Eisenberg, 1981; Jayawickreme et al., 2023). For example, the transition to parenthood may not only shape how one views themselves (e.g., as a mother or father) and whether they have time to socialize with friends, but becoming a primary care giver also commits one to nearly two decades of caretaking. Additionally, individuals may cope differently with these transitions – leading to both adaptive and maladaptive changes in their behaviour (Adamczyk et al., 2022; Rowlison & Felner, 1988; Gottlieb & Green, 1984; Andersson & Stanich, 1996). For example, Drake et al. (2016) reported that post-secondary students with higher coping efficacy had lower waking cortisol and were better able to regulate the physiological stress of transitioning to college. When considering these coping strategies, is important to recognize that in the context of relationships major life events can also affect how individuals relate to each other and different dyads within a relationship undergoing the same major life events may react differently (Lin & Marin, 2022). Such differences can shape how they experience and react to these events (Schulz & Tomkins, 2011). Finally, it is increasingly recognized that major life events can have subtle consequences – sometimes leading to chronic or acute changes that may lie dormant or unrecognized for decades (Ehrlich, 2020). For example, Davidsen et al., (2022) reported that men who experienced relationship breakups and who lived alone had higher levels of inflammatory markers in their blood – suggesting increased risk for physiological wear and tear on the body. In these ways and more, major life events and transitions can shape our wellbeing.

Among the various factors that moderate the effects of major life events on wellbeing are whether individuals undergo these changes “on time” (i.e., during a normative period of life; Buecker et al., 2021; Rook & Dooley, 1989) and the extent to which individuals evaluate the life events as positive or negative (Haehner et al., 2024) or are able to overcome the temporary challenges (Ben-Zur, 2012). In particular, events that lead to “biographical disruption” or a changed sense of self appear to be particularly challenging for social wellbeing (Morgan & Burholt, 2020; Lampraki et al., 2022). As well, the level of guidance, attachment, reinsurance, social integration, and nurturance – all facets of social support – appear to play important roles in mitigating loneliness during major life events (Bell & Gonzalez, 2009; Pocnet et al., 2016). Taken together, these findings emphasize that the availability of social, emotional, and even material resources (Lee et al., 2023) – which can be inhibited by normative and interpersonal judgements – are important factors that can be addressed in order to help people cope better with major life events and transitions.

Based on the evidence reviewed above, it is clear that major live events can be important determinants of social wellbeing and that individuals must be supported prior to and throughout these events. Such supports can include efforts to help them understand their situation and their ability to overcome and thrive (Dang et al., 2022; Clarke & Stone, 2007). For example, Moustafa et al. (2020) reports that helping women accept roles as mothers or seeking out novel experiences when children leave home can help ameliorate the negative effects that these life events can have on women. This finding is consistent with a broader scholarship emphasizing the importance of healthy adaptation and meaning-making strategies (Haehner et al., 2022) which emphasize the importance of positive dispositions and social supports in navigating life changes (Ferreira et al., 2021). In developing these interventions, it is likely that tailored approached to different life stages can be feasibly integrated into existing community and health settings. For example, universities can promote relationship quality between parents, friends, and new college students to help mitigate their experiences of loneliness while transitioning to their first-year of college (Calderon Leon et al., 2024; Worsley et al., 2021). Similarly, supporting new and expecting parents is critical for not only promoting parental wellbeing, but also preventing intergenerational transmission of loneliness by providing a healthy social environment for newborn children (Cannon-Bonventre & Kahn, 1979; Johansson et al., 2020; Nowland et al., 2021, 2024; Kent-Marvick et al., 2022; Junttila et al., 2015). As well, helping individuals adopt healthy social behaviours during the transition to retirement might also prove to be helpful in reducing loneliness and mitigating its harmful effects among seniors (Shin et al., 2020; Lee et al., 2022; Abramowska-Kmon & Latkowski, 2021; Segel-Karpas et al., 2018). Finally, helping people cope with loss of others due to separation, divorce, and other factors is likely critical for managing the onset of loneliness in these communities – especially because of the profound disruption these can have for social networks (van Tilburg & Suanet, 2019; Boerner et al., 2024; Leopold, 2018; Moral et al., 2021; Wright et al., 2020; Domenech-Abella et al., 2017; Nicolaisen & Thorsen, 2014). For these populations and the many others who experience predictable life transitions, interventions are appropriate and likely necessary.

Analyses from The Canadian Alliance for Social Connection and Health

In the Canadian Social Connection Survey, we did not ask about recent major life events. However, we did collect demographic data across several factors that related to major life events, including retirement, divorce, widowhood, employment status, parenthood, and student status. As such, we tested the effects of these in predicting de Jong emotional and social loneliness scores – using the overall loneliness score (See Table 1).

Results of these analyses showed that retired individuals had lower loneliness scores, while those who were divorced and those who were unemployed had higher loneliness scores. Surprisingly the effect of being a widow was not significant. As such, we also examined whether adjusting for divorce status, retirement status, and widowhood in the same model changed the effect of widowhood on loneliness scores. This model showed that widowed individuals had higher loneliness scores once accounting for retirement and divorce (β = 0.230, p = 0.034).

While caution should be taken in interpreting these results due to their cross-sectional nature and lack of information regarding the recency of these events, they illustrate the diverse effects that major life events can have on social wellbeing and highlight the likely role these events play in shaping social experiences for better or worse.

Discussion

While the evidence above highlights the significance of major life events in shaping wellbeing, it is clear that these effects do not predestine individuals to experiences of loneliness. As well, despite the common findings across existing studies, more work on studying major life events – including the characteristics of such events – is needed (Luhmann et al., 2021). In particular, longitudinal studies with appropriate controls are useful (Zimmerman et al., 1983; Blanchflower & Graham, 2022) – though it is recognized that capturing sufficient sample sizes of individuals throughout major life transitions can be difficult. As such, efforts to support people undergoing major life events – particularly by way of building social networks, promoting resilience, and providing supports – should not be delayed at the expense of achieving methodological perfection. Moreover, it is crucial to recognize the diversity in individual responses to major life events. People's experiences vary not only because of the event itself but also due to differences in their social contexts, psychological resilience, and the availability of support systems. This variability suggests that a one-size-fits-all approach to intervention may not be effective. Tailored interventions that consider individual differences and cultural contexts are essential for supporting individuals during major life transitions. Additionally, policy implications derived from this research should be considered. Effective policies could include creating community programs that facilitate social connections and resilience training, and integrating social health strategies into healthcare systems to ensure that individuals receive comprehensive support during major life transitions. In conclusion, while major life events undeniably influence social wellbeing, the scope and nature of these effects are complex and multifaceted. Our understanding can be enhanced by continued research that addresses the gaps in our current knowledge and by interventions that are sensitive to the nuances of individual experiences. Only through such multifocal approaches can we hope to mitigate the negative impacts of life transitions and enhance the social wellbeing of individuals across different stages of life.

Conclusion

Based on the available evidence summarized above, we recommend policies and programs that focus on supporting individuals to navigate major life events – especially those that directly impact the social networks in which individuals are embedded. In particular, interventions that help them adopt healthy coping strategies and support the development of robust social networks that are able to thrive even in the context of disruptive major life events.