How does our childhood shape social wellbeing?

Background

Based on empirical population-level studies, loneliness appears to be remarkably stable throughout life, with experiences of loneliness increasing in adolescence and then persisting into adulthood (Mund et al., 2019). Specifically, loneliness appears to emerge from how people experience and react to their social realities (van Roekel, 2016; Spithoven et al., 2019). This explains why individuals can feel lonely, even when in the company of others (Hammoud et al., 2021) or why major life events may cause loneliness in some but not in others (Buecker et al., 2021; Sheftel et al., 2024; Lasgaard et al., 2016). However, if loneliness is an individual-level, trait-like characteristic, this raises the question of where loneliness comes from and why it emerges?

To answer these questions, studies have explored the genetic and epigenetic contributions to loneliness (Bowirrat et al., 2023). These studies hypothesize that loneliness may emerge as a result of genetic influences on social and emotional behaviour (Day et a., 2018; Chermer & Martin, 2019), as well as differences in neural-architecture that may make some individuals more sensitive to deviations in desired and realized levels of social interaction (Abdellauoi et al., 2019; Goossens et al., 2015). Supporting these viewpoints, studies have shown that loneliness has a high level of heritability, somewhere in the range of 40-60% (Freilich et al., 2022; Gao et al., 2016). However, these heritability studies also emphasize that in addition to genetic contributors to loneliness, the stable trait-like nature of loneliness might also be explained by early life experiences, such as the environment in which individuals and their social skills are nurtured. Understanding what role these early environments might play is critical to direct how we approach treating (and preventing) loneliness.

Purpose

The purpose of this evidence brief is to explore the relationship between early life experiences and social health to improve our understanding of how these early life experiences might adversely impact social functioning. In doing so, we aim to identify the need for trauma-informed approaches to promoting social health and wellbeing and to ensure sensitivity to key factors that might shape social connections across life stages.

Evidence from Existing Studies

Do early life experiences shape social health outcomes throughout the life course?

Existing studies on human social and emotional development emphasize that childhood is a critical period during which children’s experiences shape their perception of themselves, others, and the world around them (Bowlby, 1969, 1988). Additionally, childhood experiences play a pivotal role in shaping the acquisition and refinement of social skills. As such, positive experiences, such as opportunities for supportive peer interaction, constructive feedback, and social modeling, facilitate the development of effective communication, empathy, cooperation, and conflict resolution skills. Further, children raised in nurturing environments, where they feel safe to explore and interact with others, tend to demonstrate greater social competence and confidence (Germine et al., 2015).

Conversely, aversive experiences, such as social rejection, bullying, or family conflict, can impede the development of social skills, contributing to difficulties in forming and maintaining relationships later in life (Germine et al., 2015).

Recognizing the importance of these positive and negative early-life experiences, researchers have sought to understand how and which experiences in childhood shape trajectories across life stages. One of the major frameworks used to study these lifelong impacts is Attachment Theory. In this context, “attachment” describes the system of thoughts and feelings that individuals employ to understand and navigate interpersonal relationships. It is hypothesized that the patterns of thoughts and behaviours that emerge from this system influence how individuals experience and navigate life’s challenges and stressors (Dagan et al., 2018). For example, one’s pattern of attachment might shape how they manage conflicts with a friend or whether they strive for social connections following a major life disruption, such as a break-up.

Although attachment styles are undoubtedly diverse and vary considerably between individuals, several archetypical patterns of attachment have been described and used to broadly characterize human attachment experiences. These are:

Secure attachment, which is characterized by a healthy balance of autonomy and closeness in relationships, where individuals feel confident in both their ability to connect with others and their capacity to handle separation;

Anxious-preoccupied attachment, which is marked by a strong desire for closeness, often coupled with anxiety about abandonment and doubts about one's worthiness of love;

Dismissive-avoidant attachment, which reflects a tendency to maintain emotional distance, prioritizing self-sufficiency over intimacy; and

Fearful-avoidant (or disorganized) attachment, whichinvolves a mix of both anxiety about being hurt in relationships and a desire for connection, leading to contradictory behaviors of seeking closeness and pushing others away.

Having a secure attachment style, where individuals consistently feel they can rely on someone for safety and support when stressed, (Waters & Cummings, 2000), can improve their problems solving abilities and also makes them more open to receiving help from others (Dagan et al., 2018). Meanwhile, children who experience trauma or neglect in their formative years may develop insecure attachment styles in adulthood (Babad et al., 2022), characterized by overly anxious (i.e., clingy, insecure) or avoidant (i.e., isolative, mistrustful) attachments, which often negatively impacts their interactions with others (Babad et al., 2022). In doing so, insecure attachments can contribute to difficulties in forming trusting and meaningful connections across the life course (Landry et al., 2022).

What childhood experiences influence social health?

Importantly, one’s attachment style is strongly influenced by the early life environment. This means that both positive and negative experiences can shape attachment style (Bethell et al., 2019). To date, most research on childhood development tends to focus on what are referred to as Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs). These adverse experiences include a range of potentially traumatic incidents or persistent exposure to stressors (e.g., abuse, neglect, household dysfunction) that take place prior to the age of 18 (Snyder et al., 2023).

Importantly, exposure to ACEs, combined with low resilience, can lead to difficulties in navigating social relationships, coping with stressors, and can even impact one’s health and wellbeing (Babad et al., 2022; Germine et al., 2015). Indeed, ACEs are shown to have profound and lasting effects on mental health. Exposure to chronic stress during childhood can alter the way the brain and body respond to stressors later in life, making individuals more susceptible to anxiety and mood disorders. Higher levels of ACEs were related to worse mental health after controlling for stress and social support (Karatekin & Ahluwalia, 2020) and there is a consistently strong correlation between ACEs and a variety of mental health issues (e.g., depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and substance abuse disorders) (Karatekin & Ahluwalia, 2020). Additionally, ACEs can negatively affect self-esteem, self-efficacy, and coping mechanisms, further contributing to mental health challenges (Misiak et al., 2022). These adverse experiences can disrupt the normal development of the brain, impacting the areas responsible for regulating emotions, processing stress, and forming healthy relationships, which can lead to both experiencing more stress and stronger physiological reactions to stress (Misiak et al., 2022). As such, one of the key mechanisms through which ACEs impact mental health is through the dysregulation of the body's stress response system (Misiak et al., 2022).

Given these mental health impacts, the psychological effects of ACEs—such as low self-esteem, depression, and anxiety—may contribute to loneliness. For example, individuals who have experienced trauma in childhood may struggle with negative self-perceptions and feelings of unworthiness, which can lead them to withdraw from social interactions and avoid seeking support from others, further perpetuating their sense of isolation (Landry et al., 2022). The lack of trust in caregivers for protection as children may contribute to increased sense of loneliness as adults (Babad et al., 2022). Supporting this, Landry et al. (2022) showed that both childhood and adult trauma experiences are predictive of feelings of loneliness. Additionally, childhood abuse has been shown to uniquely contribute to greater loneliness among young adults (Reinhard et al., 2022). These associations may stem from low perceived access to social support, diminished social connectedness, and unsupportive peer interactions in early life, which further exacerbates feelings of loneliness – particularly interactions with unsupportive peers (Reinhard et al., 2022).

In addition to the immediate emotional consequences of ACEs, they may also have a long term ability on a person's ability to regulate their emotions (Misiak et al., 2022). Indeed, exposure to the chronic stress and trauma have been shown to lead to heightened emotional responses, such as anger or anxiety, which can be inappropriate in some social settings (Misiak et al., 2022). This difficulty in managing emotions can result in more frequent conflict and misunderstandings (Misiak et al., 2022). Further, children who experience ACEs may exhibit problematic behaviors, such as aggression, withdrawal, or hyperactivity (Misiak et al., 2022), which can hinder their ability to interact positively with peers and adults, leading to social isolation or negative peer interactions (Landry et al., 2022).

Finally, ACEs can also hinder language development and communication skills (Burr et al., 2020) as children from chaotic or abusive environments often have less exposure to positive communication models, leading to weak verbal and non-verbal communication abilities (Burr et al., 2020). Experiences of parental maltreatment such as physical abuse can also lead to a reduced ability to accurately infer other people’s mental states and negatively impact a person’s ability to seek and maintain social ties (Germine et al., 2015). Experiencing ACEs can also make it difficult to develop empathy and understand others' perspectives (Burr et al., 2020), which can interfere with the ability to engage in fulfilling social interactions (Burr et al., 2020). This means these individuals receive less of the practical, psychological, and physiological benefits that come from interpersonal relationships (Germine et al., 2015).

What protective factors can offset the harmful impacts of childhood adversity?

Of course, although ACEs can increase the risk of loneliness, not all individuals who experience adversity in childhood will develop profound feelings of social isolation (Longhi et al., 2021). Indeed, protective factors can play a crucial role in mitigating the negative impact of ACEs and promoting emotional well-being (Sharma et al., 2020).

Among the protective factors that appear critical to preventing further harm following childhood adversity is one’s level of psychological resilience (Sharma et al., 2020). Resilience can be understood as the ability to adapt and bounce back from adversity, demonstrating positive adaptation, despite facing significant challenges or trauma (Sharma et al., 2020). For example, individuals who exhibit high levels of resilience in coping with ACEs often avoid developing Post-Traumatic Stress Symptoms (PTSS) (Sharma et al., 2020). Conversely, those with lower resilience tendencies may experience significant complications (Sharma et al., 2020).

Naturally, a wide variety of factors shape one’s level of resilience. Individual characteristics such as temperament, cognitive abilities, and coping strategies contribute to the development of resilience (Thomson & Jaque, 2017). Children who possess traits such as optimism, problem-solving skills, and the ability to regulate their emotions are better equipped to navigate challenging situations and recover from adversity (Misiak et al., 2022). Of course, the development of resilience is also related to one’s childhood environment. Indeed, children who experience consistent love, encouragement, and stability are more likely to develop adaptive coping mechanisms and problem-solving skills, which contribute to resilience in social contexts (Sharma et al., 2020). Moreover, access to resources and opportunities, such as education, healthcare, and community support services, can enhance resilience by providing children with the tools and support they need to thrive despite experiences of adversity (Longhi et al., 2021).

In addition to one’s psychological resilience, the provision of social resources plays a pivotal role in mitigating the pervasive impact of ACEs on both physical and mental well-being (Lin et al., 2022; Thomas et al., 2018; Longhi et al., 2021). This is because positive and nurturing relationships can provide children with emotional support, stability, and a sense of safety, helping to counteract the effects of ACEs and foster resilience (Longhi et al., 2021). These relationships serve as a source of comfort, guidance, and encouragement, empowering children to cope with stress and adversity more effectively. Providing these social resources can be achieved both through service-based provisions and natural supports. For example, routine screening for ACEs can facilitate the provision of necessary social and emotional support (Brinker & Cheruvu, 2017). Moreover, creating an environment of trust and understanding is essential in supporting young individuals. This involves fostering meaningful relationships by allowing sufficient time, flexibility, and autonomy in interactions with service providers (Saul & Gursul, 2021). Consistency and reliable assistance from professionals are instrumental in building trust and enabling active participation in services, thus enhancing the effectiveness of support interventions (Saul & Gursul, 2021).

While professional services are critical for many, natural supports are also observed to be important protective factors against the consequences of ACEs. Indeed, there is a growing body of evidence describing the importance of peer and family supports in shaping wellbeing (Landry et al., 2022). Importantly, access to social support can enhance cognitive and emotional processing, leading to a psychologically adaptive reappraisal of stressful experiences (Cheong et al., 2017). Therefore, emphasizing social resources and support networks can significantly contribute to the resilience and well-being of individuals affected by ACEs. This is critical as lower levels of social support and heightened stress are each associated with poorer mental health outcomes, even when controlling for one or the other (Karatekin & Ahluwalia, 2020).

Analyses by the Canadian Alliance for Social Connection and Health

Using data from the Canadian Social Connection Survey, we examined the stability of loneliness by asking participants in the 2023 Cohort how often they felt lonely at various age points. These analyses were restricted to individuals age 31 and older (n = 265). The age periods examined included ages 5 to 12, 13 to 18, 19 to 24, and 25 to 30. Using these data, we conducted a series of analyses to assess the stability of loneliness across these four age periods and to determine their relationship with current feelings of loneliness:

First, we examined the pairwise correlations between loneliness scores at these different life stages. The results indicated strong correlations between adjacent age periods, with the highest correlation observed between ages 19-24 and 25-30 (r = 0.73). However, correlations between more distant age periods, such as between ages 5-12 and 25-30, were weaker (r = 0.34), suggesting that loneliness experiences are more stable within closer age ranges. To further explore the agreement between loneliness scores at these different stages, we calculated Cohen’s Kappa coefficients. The Kappa values indicated fair agreement between ages 5-12 and 13-18 (Kappa = 0.305, p < .001) and between ages 13-18 and 19-24 (Kappa = 0.323, p < .001), with moderate agreement between ages 19-24 and 25-30 (Kappa = 0.46, p < .001). These findings suggest that while there is some degree of stability in loneliness across these periods, the level of agreement is stronger between closer age periods. Finally, we calculated the Intraclass Correlation Coefficient (ICC) to assess the overall consistency of loneliness scores across all four age periods. The ICC was 0.826 (95% CI [0.792, 0.855], p < .001), indicating a high level of consistency in loneliness experiences across these life stages. This suggests that individuals who report higher levels of loneliness at one age tend to report higher levels at other ages as well, underscoring the stability of loneliness as a characteristic across different stages of life.

Next, we sought to examine how these levels of loneliness at each age correlated with current levels of emotional and social loneliness, measured using de Jong Emotional and Social Loneliness Scale scores. Importantly, each model was adjusted for the participant's current age, ensuring that the associations we observed were independent of the participant's age at the time of the survey. The findings reveal a consistent pattern: loneliness experienced at all these age periods is significantly associated with current emotional and social loneliness. Starting with childhood (ages 5-12), we found that for each unit increase in loneliness, the current loneliness score increased by approximately 0.32 units (Estimate = 0.319, p = 0.002). This effect, while modest, highlights that retrospective early experiences of loneliness can have lasting impacts on how individuals feel in their present lives. As we move into adolescence (ages 13-18), the association becomes slightly stronger, with a 0.35-unit increase in the current loneliness score for each unit increase in loneliness during this period (Estimate = 0.351, p = 0.001). This suggests that the experiences of loneliness during these formative years may continue to shape emotional and social well-being well into adulthood. The impact of loneliness becomes even more pronounced during early adulthood (ages 19-24). Here, the association is stronger still, with a 0.39-unit increase in the current loneliness score for each unit increase in loneliness at this stage of life (Estimate = 0.388, p < 0.001). This reflects the critical importance of social connections and emotional stability during the transition into adult roles and responsibilities. The most substantial effect, however, is observed for loneliness experienced in the most recent life stage examined (ages 25-30). For each unit increase in loneliness during this period, the current emotional and social loneliness score increases by about 0.51 units (Estimate = 0.509, p < 0.001). This finding underscores the powerful and immediate impact that recent experiences of loneliness have on an individual's current emotional and social state. Overall, the analysis suggests that while loneliness at any stage of life can contribute to current feelings of emotional and social loneliness, the impact is particularly strong for loneliness experienced in more recent years, especially during the late twenties. This highlights the enduring influence of loneliness across the life course, with recent experiences having the most pronounced effect.

In addition to exploring the stability of loneliness across age and the impact of early experiences of loneliness on current loneliness, in the 2021 cross-section we also asked a sample of 1,275 participants about their relationships with adults when they were children. These questions assessed how often they had an adult who (1) showed they were proud, (2) took an interest in their activities, (3) listened to them when they spoke, (4) were there when they needed someone, (5) spoke with them about things that really mattered, (6) they could share their thoughts and feelings with, and (7) they could go to for help with a problem, even if they knew they would be disappointed. Responses to these questions were scored on a five point Likert scale from (1) “None of the time” to “All of the time” and the scores were summed across items into a component sum scale score. Using this scale, we tested the effect of adult-child relationship quality on loneliness, which was measured by the overall score on the de Jong emotional and social loneliness scale. Results of this analysis showed that better relationships with adults as children was associated with less loneliness (β = -0.079, SE = 0.007, p < 0.0001, Cohen’s f² = 0.09) – indicating a small to moderate effect size. Next, we hypothesized that this effect would be explained by the development of a secure attachment style. As such, we conducted a mediation analysis to determine whether the effect of adult-child relationship quality on emotional loneliness is explained by secure attachment style. The analysis used a quasi-Bayesian approach with 1,000 simulations to estimate confidence intervals. The results of this analysis showed that the indirect effect of adult-child relationship quality on emotional loneliness, through secure attachment style, was significant (β = -0.024, 95% CI [-0.029, -0.020], p < .001). This indicates that secure attachment style significantly explains part of the relationship between adult-child relationship quality and emotional loneliness. The direct effect of adult-child relationship quality on emotional loneliness, after accounting for secure attachment style, was not significant (β = -0.003, 95% CI [-0.012, 0.010], p = .58). This suggests that once the influence of secure attachment is considered, the direct impact of adult-child relationship quality on emotional loneliness is minimal. However, the total effect of adult-child relationship quality on emotional loneliness, which includes both the direct and indirect effects, was significant (Estimate = -0.027, 95% CI [-0.035, -0.020], p < .001), demonstrating an overall relationship between adult-child relationship quality and emotional loneliness. Finally, a substantial proportion of the total effect (approximately 90%) of adult-child relationship quality on emotional loneliness is explained by secure attachment style (Estimate = 0.902, 95% CI [0.642, 1.300], p < .001). This highlights the importance of secure attachment as a key factor in understanding how the quality of adult-child relationships influences feelings of emotional loneliness – suggesting that the quality of adult-child relationships affects emotional loneliness primarily through its impact on secure attachment style. In other words, it appears that secure attachment plays a crucial role in reducing emotional loneliness, indicating that efforts to enhance attachment security could be effective in mitigating loneliness related to past relationship experiences.

Discussion

The evidence and analyses above suggests that early life experiences play a crucial role in shaping social well-being throughout an individual’s life. Childhood is a formative period where the foundations of social and emotional health are established, influencing how individuals engage with others and manage relationships as they grow older.

Research highlights that the nature of early relationships, particularly those with caregivers, profoundly impacts social development. Secure, nurturing environments where children feel valued and supported lay the groundwork for healthy social functioning. These environments help foster secure attachment, where individuals develop the confidence to explore social connections and trust in others. This secure attachment is associated with better emotional regulation, stronger social skills, and a lower risk of experiencing loneliness later in life.

However, when early life experiences are marked by adversity—such as neglect, inconsistent caregiving, or trauma—this can disrupt the development of secure attachments. Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), which encompass a range of traumatic or stressful events, have been shown to have lasting negative effects on social and emotional well-being. Children exposed to these adversities may develop insecure attachment styles, characterized by anxiety or avoidance in relationships. These early disruptions can lead to difficulties in forming trusting, stable relationships and may contribute to a persistent sense of loneliness.

The intertwined nature of attachment and ACEs reveals that early life experiences are not isolated in their impact. Instead, they interact to shape a child’s emerging view of the world and their place within it. For instance, a child who experiences ACEs may struggle with emotional regulation and social interactions, leading to challenges in forming meaningful connections. Over time, these difficulties can compound, resulting in social isolation and increased vulnerability to loneliness.

Yet, the story is not entirely deterministic. Attachment is not fixed or immutable, and with appropriate support, intervention, and therapeutic interventions, individuals affected by ACEs can develop more secure attachment patterns and cultivate healthier relationships. The presence of protective factors, such as psychological resilience and supportive relationships, can buffer against the negative effects of early adversity. Resilience, the capacity to adapt to and recover from challenges, can help individuals navigate the social difficulties associated with early life stress. Supportive relationships, whether from caregivers, peers, or community members, provide the necessary emotional support that can help mitigate the impact of ACEs and promote healthier social outcomes.

In essence, early life experiences—whether positive or negative—set the stage for social well-being throughout life. The quality of early relationships and the presence of supportive, stable environments are pivotal in determining how individuals will relate to others as they age. By focusing on creating nurturing environments and addressing the impacts of early adversity through targeted interventions, we can support the development of healthier, more connected individuals. This, in turn, has the potential to reduce the long-term social and emotional consequences of loneliness and isolation that are often rooted in early life experiences.

Conclusion

Based on the available evidence, we recommend a focus on the prevention of loneliness through upstream interventions that promote healthy emotional and social development. This approach requires investing in early, proactive efforts, including support for soon-to-be and new parents, to create nurturing environments that foster secure attachments and resilience, ultimately reducing the need for later treatment of loneliness.